Special Reports

The international community’s response to the invasion of Ukraine is stunning evidence of what is possible given sufficient political will. The failure of the international community—particularly powerful governments of the global north—to ramp up actions to halt the junta will hurt tens of millions of people and strengthen accusations of double standards in civilian protection. International actors must take measures to stop suffering and restore democracy in Burma.

-According to UNHCR, 614,000 people have been displaced since the coup attempt, adding to over one million people displaced by pre-existing armed conflict and abuses. These populations, further affected by ongoing attacks and blocks on humanitarian aid, are in desperate need of protection, shelter, food, water, medicine, and other aid.

-It is imperative for ASEAN members to facilitate cross-border aid, partnering with like-minded countries and organizations, in the interests of regional human security and ASEAN's credibility.

The international community has deferred responsibility for addressing the situation in Burma to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). However, without sufficient leverage, ASEAN has failed to progress its Five-Point Consensus (FPC), aimed at halting hostilities, starting political dialogue, and providing humanitarian aid. It is urgent that the UN Security Council and the international community coordinate a range of targeted sanctions and actions in order to deprive the junta of the means to attack civilians and commit other grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. These actions are required to generate sufficient leverage to back diplomatic efforts for a political resolution and achieve implementation of the FPC.

Since 1 Feb 2021, the junta’s destructive efforts to gain territorial and political control have destroyed Burma’s economy, with unemployment and poverty spiraling out of control. Its disastrous management caused a major crisis in the banking and electricity sectors. Widespread boycotts on military products and bills led to a 35% decrease in fiscal revenue. The MMK lost over half its value. Foreign investment dropped by 22%. The regime turned to natural resource extraction for much-needed foreign revenue. In February 2021, International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and the US government froze over USD 12 billion, depriving the junta of these funds.

In the past year, the junta has abused the judiciary and attacked the rule of law in Burma by arresting, detaining, charging, and sentencing activists and political opponents. It is imperative that the junta release these people, as well as all other people it has arbitrarily detained, and remove all charges and/or convictions against them.
See p.2 for table of political targets sentenced; see p.4 for table of people sentenced to death.

It is imperative that governments and other bodies extend sanctions to effectively cut the flow of weapons and money to the junta in order to secure the protection of civilians. Civil society and Burma’s NUG government continue calls for sanctions on Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), which represents an enormous source of revenue for the junta, fueling its atrocity crimes. On 31 Jan, Canada, the US, and the UK added sanctions providing for the freezing of funds or economic resources belonging to the sanctions targets. In addition, the US sanctions bar Americans from doing business with the targets. See the table on pp.2–4 for the full list of sanctions by Canada and the US, UK, and EU.

The UN Security Council must take concrete action to address the junta’s increasingly frequent and severe attacks on civilians in Burma. During the first 11 months of the junta’s attempted coup, there were 7,686 armed clashes and attacks on civilians, a 715% increase from the same period in 2020. The violence was comparable to Syria, and greater than in Afghanistan, Yemen, or Iraq. The widespread and systematic nature of junta troops’ massacres and other atrocity crimes suggest that they reflect orders from the junta’s highest levels.

The illegal military junta’s ongoing destructive efforts wreaked further havoc on the economy. Troubling indicators include: projected economic contraction of 18.4% in 2021, and 48% of the population in poverty by 2022; mass internal displacement, including half the population of Karenni State alone; a 60% drop in the value of the kyat in Sep 2021, driving up the price of fuel (+100%) and rice (+40%); and the loss of at least 1.6 million jobs.

The UN Security Council must take action on the crisis in Burma. Since Burma’s military (Tatmadaw) launched its coup on 1 Feb 2021, conflict has escalated to staggering levels, even compared to other places on the Council’s agenda. Between 1 Feb and 26 Nov, there were 6,675 armed clashes and attacks on civilians, a 632% increase from the same period in 2020 (912). This was fewer than in Syria (7,029), but greater than in Afghanistan (6,340) and Yemen (5,432).

Burma has failed to effectively comply with the Provisional Measures Order issued by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on 23 Jan 2020 in relation to alleged genocidal acts against the Rohingya. Instead of implementing measures to protect Rohingya people from war crimes and acts of genocide, Burma's illegal junta is committing war crimes and crimes against humanity nationwide.

The international community has repeatedly called on ASEAN to address the situation in Burma, but ASEAN action has been inadequate and the situation has worsened. Armed clashes and attacks on civilians rose by around 27% after the 24 Apr ASEAN meeting. The junta increased attacks on NLD & NUG members, and charged associates with treason.

ASEAN did nothing to facilitate dialogue between the junta and the civilian NUG. It took over six months to appoint a special envoy to Burma, who has not met with the NUG or facilitated dialogue, his two mandates. It began facilitating humanitarian aid in August through the junta, which has consistently undermined public health response and is both incapable and untrustworthy.

Burma illustrates how the failure to actively support and partner with efforts to secure transitional justice reforms can lead to recurrence of conflict, with disastrous impacts. Businesses and home states must comply with BHR in Burma.

Since seizing power on 1 February, the illegal military junta’s destructive efforts to gain territorial and political control have dragged the economy, already impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, into a crippling, downward spiral.

Burma has failed to effectively comply with the Provisional Measures Order issued by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on 23 January 2020 in relation to its alleged genocidal acts against the Rohingya. Instead of implementing measures to protect Rohingya people from war crimes and acts of genocide, Burma's illegal junta government is committing systematic atrocity crimes across the entire country.

The illegal junta's "Consensus" with ASEAN states late last month included a commitment to stopping violence and "exercising restraint". In seven days the military instead carried out 68 air strikes on Kachin and Karen State - almost ten per day - destroying civilian homes and displacing thousands.

The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) is the legitimate interim government of Burma. These 378 MPs—i.e., 76% of elected parliamentarians—stepped up to govern and officially swore themselves in on 4 February, despite the junta’s attempts to detain, incapacitate, or otherwise silence them.

Civil society organizations (CSOs) have been essential in addressing the COVID-19 pandemic in Burma, particularly in rural areas, by providing information, medical supplies, food, and financial assistance. The Burma military’s (Tatmadaw’s) escalating attacks on civil society and health workers since its 1 February 2021 power seizure are destroying local capacity and resilience against the pandemic.

On the 1st of February the Tatmadaw carried out a coup d'etat, overthrowing the civilian NLD government. The militarization of the government follows the militarization of Burma's pandemic response under the military-led Committee for Preventing, Containing and Treating COVID-19, which has overseen one of the worst outbreaks in southeast Asia.

Burma’s response to the pandemic has deepened economic inequalities and pushed vulnerable populations into even more precarious situations. At worst, the military (Tatmadaw) killed civilians, destroyed homes, and blocked humanitarian assistance in ethnic minority zones. At best, financial relief to civilians in non-conflict areas has been paltry.

Burma's experience of the COVID-19 pandemic has been greatly hobbled by decades of underinvestment in the public health system by successive military governments.

Compounding the issue is the Tatmadaw's ongoing refusal to delegate and relinquish control of a public health crisis to civilian government bodies.

An enormous "second wave" of COVID-19 cases threatens to overrun Burma's critically underfunded and unprioritized public health system, while the Tatmadaw systematically demolishes ethnic people's attempts to fight the spread of the virus.

Meanwhile in Rakhine State, Burma's government has at the eight month mark still failed to take effective action in implementing the ICJ's Provisional Measures, which will have increase vulnerability to pandemics and conflict for all minority people in the country.

Between 23 January and 23 November 2020, there were at least 880 armed clashes in civilian areas or direct attacks on civilians by armed actors in Burma. This is a 70.5% increase over the 516 during the corresponding period (23 Jan–23 Jun) in 2017. These took place across 11 of Burma’s 14 States and Regions, as well as the capital territory, and resulted in at least 224 civilians killed and 638 injured.

This excel sheet lists details of every incident, and is meant to complement the briefer “REPORT CARD # 2: Burma/Myanmar's insufficient action on the ICJ's provisional measures and COVID-19”.

It uses data provided by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED).

On the anniversary of the 8888 uprising, it is important to note that 617 attacks targeting or failing to protect civilians occurred in Jan - Jun 2020 compared to only 166 recorded in the same period of 2011.

With the close for submissions to the latest round of the Burma/Myanmar Universal Periodic Review (UPR), key recommendations from previous cycles remain unimplemented and civilians across the country remain at severe risk of armed violence and business-linked rights abuses.

Burma's Government and military claim that they are taking effective measures to implement the Provisional Measures ordered by the International Court of Justice.

However, at Burma's first four-month report evidence of systematic, long-term change is very difficult to see. Rohingya people are still subjected to an Apartheid existence in IDP prison camps in Rakhine, and the Tatmadaw continues to wage war against its own people in Burma's West, North and East.

Between 23 January and 13 May 2020 (the last day for which conflict data is available), there were at least 410 armed clashes in civilian areas or direct attacks on civilians by armed actors, across 5 States and 2 Regions of Burma. These incidents took place in the west, center, and east of the country, i.e., Rakhine State, Chin State, Sagaing Region, Mandalay Region, Shan State, Kayah State and Kayin State.

This excel sheet lists details of every incident, and is meant to complement the briefer “REPORT CARD # 1: BURMA/MYANMAR’S FAILURE TO COMPLY WITH ICJ PROVISIONAL MEASURES”.

It uses data provided by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED).

It is in the Tatmadaw's interest to pretend that the international cases against it are "Rohingya Issues". However, full implementation of the ICJ's "provisional measures", will benefit all ethnic communities in Burma who suffer from Tatmadaw crimes and human rights violations. It's time to end impunity and introduce accountability to the Burma Army.

It has become a tradition for the President of Burma to mark the Thingyan (or Water Festival) New Year celebrations with a mass pardon of prisoners, including those detained for political reasons. When the National League for Democracy took power in 2016, it pledged to release all political prisoners by the end of the year and promised not to arrest any more. ALTSEAN's latest infographic highlights how the NLD has failed to honor this pledge, as 362 political prisoners remain behind bars or are waiting to stand trial following the latest mass pardon on 17 April.

ALTSEAN-Burma, FIDH, and Progressive Voice issue a fact sheet calling for Burma to be immediately referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to halt ongoing human rights violations in the country.

ALTSEAN-Burma and FIDH strongly condemn the conviction of Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo and call for their immediate and unconditional release. The two men, who were reporting on the Inn Din massacre at the time of their arrest, were sentenced to seven years in prison today under the archaic Official Secrets Act. The conviction marks a serious setback for press freedom and rule of law in Burma.

The latest Commission of Enquiry (CoE) is the latest in a long tradition of Burmese Sham internal investigations. This latest development underlines the urgent need to collect, preserve, and analyze evidence of serious international crimes, and identify perpetrators for future criminal prosecutions in accordance with international law.

What impact has the development of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) had in worn torn Rakhine State? And why has the military budget increased astronomically under the civilian government of the National League for Democracy?

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) significantly lags behind its African and American regional counterparts in the realm of stakeholder engagement and access to justice, thereby undermining the region's capacity to mitigate and remedy human rights impacts as a result of business activities.

A joint report from the International Corporate Accountability Roundtable (ICAR) and ALTSEAN-Burma, providing among the most comprehensive studies ever taken into the relationship between business and human rights in Burma/Myanmar.

Since 2012, the governments led by former general President Thein Sein and President Htin Kyaw mandated four official investigations into the situation in Arakan State. Three additional teams will investigate the violence that erupted in Maungdaw since October 2016. All initiatives have contradicted international human rights standards and have been flawed in terms of mandate, composition, process, and outcomes.

Sr Gen Min Aung Hlaing declared the military's firm commitment to "the stability, unity and development of the country and monitoring to ensure that (the country) can walk firmly on the multi-party democracy path chosen by the people." Despite such declarations, the Tatmadaw's behaviour has consistently undermined the peace process, rule of law and human rights.

Results announced on 14 November confirmed the overwhelming victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in the 8 November elections, which decided 75% of seats in Burma's National and Regional Parliaments. While the military will retain its allotted 25% of parliamentary seats, the NLD now holds an overall majority in the National Parliament, giving it the power to form Burma's next government and select a president.

On 8 November, Burma held what has been called its 'freest and fairest' election in 25 years. An 80% turnout rate was reported for the 335 million Burmese eligible to vote in the election, which saw the first participation of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) in a general election since the 1990 elections.